해피바이마르!!!

Sheldon Adelson, Founder of Las Vegas Sands Group

A: Build it and they will come. Make it different, and they’ll come in droves. Sheldon Adelson’s career is pretty much based on that mantra – a philosophy that he tells us can be adapted to just about any business. The founder of the Las Vegas Sands group is now among the 10 richest men in the world, estimated worth $26 bilion. The Boardroom caught up with Adelson there, and asked what keeps driving him forward.

-Build it and they will come 일단 도전하면 그만큼의 성과가 따라 올것이다.

-in droves 떼지어, 작당하여 -mantra 만트라 진언 -adapt to ..에 적용시키다, 각색하다

-drive A forward A를 움직이다. 추진하다

S: Why do mountain climbers climb big mountains? Well, I mean I have been in business for 62 years, and I have created over 50 different businesses. You know I mean each business I want to create, I want to do something more unique, I want to do something more novel, and all I want to do is something as a greater achievement.

-unique 독특한 -novel 새로운, 참신한 -achievement 달성, 성취, 위업

Being an entrepreneur is kind of like being a performer, you want to do and perform whatever you do – sing, dance, act whatever – and then you hear the applause. When the applause eventually dies down and then you say I like that applause, I want to hear some more,” so you go on and do something again, and then you get some more applause. Now, the applause doesn’t have to be in the sound from an audience, it can be in your own mind that if you are satisfied with what you’ve done. What else can you do that’s more impressive to yourself?

-die down 점점 조용해 지다, 꺼지다 -be satisfied with ...에 만족하다

A: Could you describe your business matrix to CNN?

-matrix 모체, 기반, 발생지

S: I know nobody will believe me and nobody will even try it, but I have no other answer except this, and I am 1000 percent convinced of this: You have to challenge the status quo, you have to change the status quo, and if you change status quo of any business, success will follow you like a shadow.

-concinced 확신에 찬, 신념있는 -status quo 현상; 현상유지

-follow like a shadow 그림자처럼 따라다니다

A: Could you be a successfuk farmer?

S: Sure, why not. I mean what is they to know is the product of the service changes, but not the fundamental business model.

-fundamental 근복적인, 바탕이 되는

A: So why do so many people fail at it then?

S: The thing that I see a lot of people fail is: number one, they do things the way that everybody does it, so you throw yourself into a potpourri of sameness or oneness. People have to be more adventurous, and they’ve got to try things somewhat differently.

-potpourri 포푸리: (서로 관련 없는 것들의)모음 -sameness 동일함, 단조로움

-oneness 단일성, 단독 -adventurous 모험을 좋아하는, 대담한

-employ 고용하다, 사용하다

S: There is a big difference between management and leadership: Management is a given authority, leadership is an earned authority. If... What I have found over the years, when people have come back to me, and in businesses that I’ve ever sold or dissolved, or whatever people come back and say, “You know, things aren’t as good as when I was woking for you, there was always electricity in the air, there was always excitement.”

-authority 권위, 영향력, 위신 -dissolve 해산하다, 분리시키다

-there is electricity in the air 열정적인 분위기이다, 긴장이 감돈다

-exitement 흥분, 들뜸

Taking the Paper Out of Morning Paper

K: Reading the front page over a cup of coffee might be headed in a digital direction. On this week’s Eco Solutions, Frederik Pleitgen show us how engineers are putting a new twist on the morning paper and how this new gadget might help save trees around the world.

-be headed ...으로 나아가다, 향하다 -put a new twist on ...에 새 발전을 이루다.

F: Four billion. That’s an estimate of how many trees are cut down every year to make paper products. Gentlemen, put down your chain saws because the Plastic Logic E-reader is almost here.

-estimate 추정

R: The device is kind of very thin, very light. It is about the size and weight of a pad of paper.

-It is about the size and weight of … 정도의 크기와 무게이다

F: Due out next year, the E-reader says so long to all of those piles of paper.

-due out 출시할 예정인 -say so long to …에 작별인사를 하다

R: It works by taking anything that you would normally print out or read on paper, like a newspaper or a magazine, and transfers them from either computer or wirelessly, you know, to the device so that you can read them.

F: At this one of a kind production facility in Dresden, Germany, nanotech is saving Mother Nature where an environmentally friendly process creates the E-papers’ unique flexible plastic design. And with the swipe of a thumb, Plastic Logic hopes to usher in a green reading revolution.

-environmentally friendly 환경친화적인 -plastic 가소성 있는 -swipe 강타, 두들김

-usher in ...을 예고하다, ...의 도래를 알리다

R: No more cutting down trees, mass production of paper, no big printing presses. And of course, no big trucks distributing the paper.

-mass production 대랑생산 -printing press 인쇄기 -distribute 배급하다, 유통시키다

F: An estimated 1.7 billion people read one of these every day. If Plastic Logic has its way, selling a few E-readers might just save a few of these.

-have one’s way 배급하다, 유통시키다

Frederik Pleitgen, CNN, Berlin.

Obama’s 250 Tough Calls

오바마의 250가지 강력한 의무




What should Barack Obama do with the 250 men who are still locked up in the Guantanamo Bay prison camp? Of the many problems the new president will face, this is one of the most difficult, and one he must get right. Along with it, he must answer equally tough questions about how his administration will deal with suspected terrorists in the future: Where will they be held and what legal rights will they have? Which interrogation methods will President Obama allow – and which will he forid?

오바마는 아직도 관타나모 베이 감옥에 있는 250명에게 무엇을 해야 할것인가? 이는 새대통령이 직면한 많은 것들중 가장 어려운 문제이고, 바로 시행해야 할 문제이다. 그것과 함께, 그는 자신의 정부가 미래에 어떻게 테러리스트 의심자들를 처리 해야 하는가 라는 똑같이 힘든 질문에 대답해야한다 : 어디다 그들을 가두고, 어떤 법적권리를 갖는가? 어떤 심문 방법을 오바마 대통령은 허용하는가? - 그리고 어떤건 금지하는가?





He made some of the answers to these questions clear in his campaign promises, and he would be wise to announce his intentions on or before Inauguration Day. Obama should and probably will renounce all brutal interrogation methods, not just those that the Bush administration defined as torture. He should and probably will discontinue or overhaul the widely derided and largely failed system of”military commissions”that President Bush created in 2001 to try suspected terrorists for war crimes. And he should and probably will announce a detailed plan to close Guantanamo, possibly within a year.

그는 선거공략에서 질문에 대해 몇가지는 대답을 만들했고, 그가 취임식혹은 그전에 그의 의도를 발표하는 것이 현명할 것이다. 오바마는 분명, 부시행정부의 고문을 명확히 하지만 말고, 모든 잔인한 심문 방법을 포기해야 할 것이다. 그는 부시행정부가 2001년에 전쟁 범죄로 의심 되는 테러리스트를 재판하기 위해 만든 충분히 조롱당하고 대부분 실패한 정책인 ‘군사 위원회’를 중단하든지 정비해야 할 것이다. 그리고 그는 1년내에 관타나모를 닫는 자세한 계획을 발표해야 한다. 




In my view, that plan should include promptly appointing a bipartisan, blue-ribbon commission to evaluate the prisoners. The commission’s mandate should include an exhaustive study of each prisoner:how he has been treated at Gitmo; whether there is enough admissible evidence to prosecute him in a federal court or by a regular military court-martial; whether he appears to be dangerous; whether to release or continue detaining those who do appear to be dangerous but cannot be tried; and whether to pay compensation to some or all of those who have been wrongly detained. The commission’s proceedings and final report should be public, except to allow for the protection of intelligence sources and methods. Those who are found not to be dangerous should be released or transferred to other countries. As soon as possible, Obama sould move the remaining detainees to prisons inside the United States to erase Guantanamo’s ugly symbolic stain on America’s image.

내 관점에서 그 계획은  Blue-ribbon 위원회로부터 죄수평가를 시행하도록 신속하게 양당합의하에 이루어져야 한다. 위원 의무에는 각각 죄수들의 화실한 조사가 이루어져야 한다는 것이 포함 되어야 한다.: 그가 어떻게 Gitmo에서 대우 받았는지 ; 충분히 용납할 증거가 있는지 없는지; 그가 위험해 보이는지 아닌지; 연방 혹은 군사 법정에서 위험해 보이나 연방 혹은 군사 법정에서  재판할만한 근거가 없을때 풀어줄지 계속 잡아 놓을지; 부당하게 잡혀있는 사람에게 보상금을 줄지 말지. 위원회 절차들과 최종보고서는 보호되야 할 기밀자료나 기밀방법을 제외하고는 공개되어야 한다. 위험하지 않다고 밝혀지는 사람은 석방되던지 다른나라로 옮겨져야 한다. 가능한 빠른시일내에, 오바마는 남겨진 억류자들을 미국내 교도소로 옮겨서 미국이미지를 더럽힘 관타나모의 상징적 오점을 지워야 한다.

Butsuch steps alone may well fall short of expectations around the worldand in the Democratic Party’s liberal base. Even Bush has said thathe wanted to close Guantanamo and denied that he sanctioned torture.Obama’s global constituency and the human-rights community want himto make a clean break with Bush by banning even moderately coerciveinterrogation methods that may (or may not) violate international lawagainst “humiliating and degrading treatment.” They also want himimmediately to abolish – not just move – the system ofdetention-without-charges that Guantanamo represents.

그러나 이 단계들은 전 세계와 민주당 진영의 기대에 비해 너무 미흡하다.심지어 부시도 관타나모를 닫길 원했고,고문 허용을 부인한다고 말했었다.오바마의 전세계 지지자 그리고 인권옹호 지지사회는 “굴욕적인 처우와 저질적인 처우”를 반대하는국제법을 위반 할것으로 보이는 다소라도 강압적인심문 방법을 금지시키므로서 그가 부시와 차별화 하길원한다. 그들은 그리고관타나모로 대표되는 불구속 기소 제도를 고치는 수준이아니고, 빨리 폐지하길원한다.

Obamashould not be stampeded into taking those steps without carefuldeliberation.(Voters won’t rush him. Only 29 percent of respondentsin a recent Quinnipiac poll favored closing the prison; 44 percentwere opposed.) Both policy and politics argue against decidingwhether to ban moderately coercive methods until Obama and hissubordinates have had time to study the disputed evidence on theeffectiveness of these techniques – and until the president hassought bipartisan support(including that of John McCain) in Congress.

오바마는 신중한 심의없이 그 단계들을 서둘러 처리하지 않아야 한다.(투표자들은그에게 모두 종용하지 않을 것이다.최근 Quinnipiac 여론조사에서29퍼센트만 교도소폐쇄에 찬성했다.; 44퍼센트는반대했다.) 정책이반자들과 정치인들은 이러한 방법이 효과 있다는증거들을 오바마와 각료들이 찾을때까지 그리고 대통령이의회에서 양당의 지지 얻을때 까지(존메케인을 포함해서.) 논쟁을계속 해야한다.

Thehardest decision will be whether to release thescores of apparently dangerous detainees who cannot beconvicted of crimes – or to continue holding them without chargesin American lockups. The 250 who remain at Guantanamo (about 550others have been released since 2002) include at least 15 allegedQaeda leaders and another 60 men whom the Bush administrationclassifies as eligible to be tried by military commissions. The other175 or so would be difficult or impossible to prosecute in any court:some have committed no crimes, and the evidence against others isinadmissible or not strong enough. The administration has deemedabout 100 of those 175 to be potentially dangerous.

가장 어려운 결정은범죄 사실을 기소할 수 없는 그러나 확실히 위험한다수의 수감자들을 풀어줄 것인지 혹은 계속 기소없이그들을 미국 감옥에 잡아둘 것인지이다.관타나모에 남은 250명(약 550의다른 이들은 2002년까지석방 되었다.)중에는,적어도 15명의알카에다 리더로 의심되는 사람들과 그리고 나머지60명은 부시 행정부로부터 군사 위원회 재판을 받도록 분류된 사람이 포함되고있다. 나머지 175명정도는 어느 재판소에서도 기소하기 어렵거나 재판하기어려운 사람인데 그들중 일부는 범죄 사실이 없거나,증거가 불충분 하거나,증거가 인정되지 않는 사람들이다.행정부는 약 175명중100명은 잠재적으로위험하다고 간주하고 있다.

Somemoderate Democratic (and Republican) experts argue cogently thatObama and Congress should continue to hold detainees without chargesat least for a while longer, but provide them with more due processto help decide whether and when they should be released. Some havecalled for a new “national-security court” to sort out whichdetainees can be held without charges will for how long. Otherscounter that continuing to hold prisoners without charges willforment so much hatred of America abroad that doing so could be moredangerous than releasing them. This is a worthy debate, and it willbe a real first test of Obama’s resourcefulness – not just as apolitician, but as a student, and former professor, of the law.

온건민주당(과공화당)전문가는오바마와 국회가 수감자들이 범죄사실이 없어도 계속수감해야 하지만 언제 석방 될지 결정을 도울 수 있는적법한 절차를 제공해야 한다고 설득력 있게 주장한다.다른이는새“국가 안보 법정”을 열어 억류자를 선별하여기소없이 얼마나 오래 붙잡아 둘지 판별해야 한다고요청한다.한편으로는기소없이 죄수들을 붙잡는 것은 미국에 대한 증오시을국외적으로 끓게 만들 것이므로 그들을 풀어주는 것보다더 위험할 수도 있다고 주장한다.이것은가치있는논쟁이고정치인으로뿐만 아니라 법대생으로서 그리고 전직 법대 교수로서의오바마의 지략을 진실로 시험하는 첫번째 관문이 될것이다.